Peter Thiel Is the Man Behind Trump’s VP Pick, and It’s Worse Than You Think

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After the recent revelation that Donald Trump had selected J.D. Vance as his Vice President, public attention not only turned toward Vance, but also to the billionaire Peter Thiel. Vance has been one of several prominent Thiel protégés whose profile has risen in recent years, with other protégés of the PayPal co-founder including OpenAI’s Sam Altman and Anduril’s Palmer Luckey.

Recent reports have also noted that Thiel first recruited Vance into his circle while Vance was still a student at Yale Law School. Shortly thereafter, Vance joined Thiel’s investment firm Mithril Capital, where he worked for two years before joining Revolution Ventures. Vance played a major role in Revolution’s “Rise of the Rest” seed fund whose major investors included Amazon’s Jeff Bezos and the Walton family of WalMart, who boast long-standing deep ties to the Clinton family. Vance later launched his own venture capital firm Narya Capital in 2020, which was heavily funded by Thiel as well as former Google CEO Eric Schmidt.

Schmidt, a major Democrat donor, has been the guiding hand behind the Biden administration’s science and technology policy and has dominated the development of the AI policies of the US military and intelligence communities, largely through his leadership of the National Security Commission on AI (NSCAI). As Unlimited Hangout previously reported, the Schmidt-led NSCAI promoted policies like the end of private car ownership and in-person shopping in the United States to advance Americans’ adoption of AI as supposed national security imperative in the lead-up to the Covid-era lockdowns.Both Schmidt and Thiel are key members of the steering committee of the controversial, closed-door and overtly globalist Bilderberg conference. Newsweek once called Schmidt and Thiel the two most influential figures at Bilderberg.

Thiel has donated heavily to Vance’s political career, giving $15 million to Vance’s successful Senate bid in the 2022 election cycle in what was then the largest donation ever given to one Senate candidate. Thiel also joined Vance, a former “Never Trumper,” on a visit to Trump’s Mar-a-Lago where Vance successfully won the former president’s blessing. Thiel also connected Vance to other members of the so-called PayPal mafia, like David Sacks who donated $1 million to Vance and hosted a fundraiser for him. Sacks, along with PayPal co-founder Elon Musk, were allegedly a key factor in Trump’s selection of Vance as Vice President as they ran “a secret lobbying campaign” for Vance that also included media presenter Tucker Carlson.

Thiel had been a major donor to Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign and served on Trump’s transition team, with other Thiel-linked figures like Trae Stephens dramatically influencing Trump’s Pentagon appointments. Stephens’ influence at the Trump Pentagon also helped develop the military’s relationship with the Thiel-funded company Anduril, which was co-founded by Stephens and Thiel fellow Palmer Luckey. Before Anduril, Luckey develop the Virual Reality system Oculus Rift, which was later sold to Facebook, where Thiel then served on the board. Anduril is now building a “virtual border wall” for the federal government and Trump, who long campaigned on building a physical barrier on the US-Mexico border, abandoned that promise during his first term and now supports the exact solution Anduril is selling.

Anduril’s unmanned drones have also come to play a major role in Ukrainian military operations during the Russia-Ukraine conflict, as have other controversial Thiel-funded companies like Palantir (a CIA contractor) and ClearView AI, which used mainly photos posted on Facebook (another Thiel-backed company) to develop its Orwellian facial recognition database. These companies’ close ties to the Ukrainian military may impact a second Trump administration’s policies as it relates to American support for Ukraine, particularly if Thiel is slated to hold significant influence. Beyond Ukraine, this network of Thiel-funded defense companies are remaking the face of warfare and slowly but surely replacing human decision-making with AI.

While these ties should be unsettling on their own, the potential influence of Thiel on the upcoming Trump administration should concern every American, regardless of where they fall on the political spectrum, due to Thiel’s efforts to rehabilitate and remake some of the intelligence communities’ most Orwellian and unconstitutional efforts to target domestic dissent.

Thiel Information Awareness

While Peter Thiel has long marketed himself as a libertarian, his track record from PayPal on has revealed him to instead be an architect of the modern surveillance state and a successor to the neoconservative cabal that had once tried (but failed) to do the same. During PayPal’s earliest days, Thiel and his colleagues went around to various government agencies, including intelligence agencies, to see how they could best tailor their product to win government support (and contracts) for their products and services. After leaving PayPal, Thiel would follow a similar path in creating another company, Palantir. Palantir is the engine on which the surveillance state runs and, soon after Vance was announced as Trump’s Vice President, it was reported that Palantir co-founder Joe Lonsdale as well as Palantir itself were backing a Trump-Vance super PAC called America PAC.

Unlimited Hangout has reported extensively on Thiel and Palantir for several years. As noted in past reports, the company was created to be the privatized version of a post-9/11 surveillance program that had been dreamt up by the Iran-Contra criminals responsible for the unconstitutional Main Core database. During the Reagan administration, the individuals at the heart of the Iran-Contra scandal developed a database called Main Core, which firmly placed the US national-security state on its current, tech-fuelled path for crushing dissent. A senior government official with a high-ranking security clearance and service in five presidential administrations told Radar in 2008 that Main Core was “a database of Americans, who, often for the slightest and most trivial reason, are considered unfriendly, and who, in a time of panic might be incarcerated. The database can identify and locate perceived ‘enemies of the state’ almost instantaneously.”

Main Core was expressly developed for use in “continuity of government” (COG) protocols by the key Iran-Contra figure Oliver North and his allies that operated an “off the books” intelligence apparatus with direct CIA involvement known as “The Enterprise.” North and his associates used COG and Main Core to compile a list of US dissidents and “potential troublemakers” to be dealt with if the continuity of government protocol was ever invoked. Troublingly, these protocols could be invoked for a variety of reasons, including widespread public, non-violent opposition to a US military intervention abroad, widespread internal dissent, or a vaguely defined moment of “national crisis” or “time of panic.” North would later brush up against the Trump administration, joining former Blackwater founder Erik Prince in an effort to lobby the administration to create an “off the books,” private CIA.

Main Core utilized the PROMIS software, which was stolen from its owners at Inslaw Inc. by top Reagan and US intelligence officials as well as Israeli spymaster Rafi Eitan. Also intimately involved in the PROMIS scandal was media baron and Israeli “super spy” Robert Maxwell, the father of Ghislaine Maxwell and reportedly the man who brought Jeffrey Epstein into the Israeli intelligence orbit. Like PROMIS, Main Core involved both US and Israeli intelligence and was a big data approach to the surveillance of perceived domestic dissidents.

The Iran-Contra and PROMIS scandals were exposed, but were subsequently covered up, largely by the then US attorney general William Barr, who would return to serve in that same position during the Trump administration. The use of Main Core by the federal government persisted and continued to amass data. That data could not be fully tapped into and utilized by the intelligence community until after the events of September 11, 2001, which offered a golden opportunity for the use of such tools against the domestic US population, all under the guise of combating “terrorism.” For example, in the immediate aftermath of 9/11 government officials reportedly saw Main Core being accessed by White House computers.

September 11 was also used as an excuse to remove information “firewalls” within the national-security state, expanding “information sharing” among agency databases and, by extension, also expanding the amount of data that could be accessed and analyzed by Main Core and its analogues. As Alan Wade, then serving as the CIA’s chief information officer, pointed out soon after 9/11: “One of the post-September 11 themes is collaboration and information sharing. We’re looking at tools that facilitate communication in ways that we don’t have today.”

In an attempt to build on these two post-9/11 objectives simultaneously, the US national-security state attempted to create a “public-private” surveillance program so invasive that Congress defunded it just months after its creation due to concerns it would completely eliminate the right to privacy in the US. Called Total Information Awareness (TIA), the program sought to develop an “all-seeing” surveillance apparatus managed by the Pentagon’s DARPA. TIA’s supporters argued that invasive surveillance of the entire US population was necessary to prevent terrorist attacks, bioterrorism events, and even naturally occurring disease outbreaks (such as pandemics) before they could take place.

The architect of TIA, and the man who led it during its relatively brief existence, was John Poindexter, best known for being Reagan’s National Security Advisor during Iran-Contra and being convicted of five felonies in relation to that scandal. Poindexter, during the Iran-Contra hearings, had famously claimed that it was his duty to withhold information from Congress.

In regard to TIA, one of Poindexter’s key allies was the chief information officer of the CIA, Alan Wade. Wade met with Poindexter in relation to TIA numerous times and managed the participation of not just the CIA but all US intelligence agencies that had signed on to add their data as “nodes” to TIA and, in exchange, gained access to its tools. Wade, while at the CIA, had previously partnered with Robert Maxwell’s daughter, Christine Maxwell, on national security software called Chiliad, which had similarities to TIA (as well as Palantir) but fell short of the proposed program’s scope and ambition. Christine had previously been involved in her father’s efforts to market bugged PROMIS software to US national laboratories.

The TIA program, despite the best efforts of Poindexter and his allies such as Wade, was eventually forced to shut down after considerable criticism and public outrage. Though the program was defunded, it later emerged that TIA was never actually shut down, with its various programs having been covertly divided among the web of military and intelligence agencies that make up the US national security state. While some of those TIA programs went underground, the core panopticon software that TIA had hoped to wield began to be developed by the company now known as Palantir, with considerable help from the CIA and Alan Wade, as well as Poindexter.

At the time it was formally launched in February 2003, the TIA program was immediately controversial, leading it to change its name in May 2003 to Terrorism Information Awareness in an apparent attempt to sound less like an all-encompassing domestic surveillance system and more like a tool specifically aimed at “terrorists.” The TIA program was shuttered by the end of 2003.

The same month as the TIA name change Peter Thiel incorporated Palantir. Thiel, however, had begun creating the software behind Palantir months in advance, though he claims he can’t recall exactly when. Some reports state that Palantir began as an anti-fraud algorithm at Thiel’s PayPal. Thiel, Karp, and other Palantir cofounders claimed for years that the company had been founded in 2004, despite the paperwork of Palantir’s incorporation by Thiel directly contradicting this claim.

Also, in 2003, apparently soon after Thiel formally created Palantir, Iraq War architect and Bush-era neoconservative Richard Perle called Poindexter, saying that he wanted to introduce the architect of TIA to two Silicon Valley entrepreneurs, Peter Thiel and Alex Karp. According to a report in New York Magazine, Poindexter “was precisely the person” whom Thiel and Karp wanted to meet, mainly because “their new company was similar in ambition to what Poindexter had tried to create at the Pentagon,” that is, TIA. During that meeting, Thiel and Karp sought “to pick the brain of the man now widely viewed as the godfather of modern surveillance,” shaping Palantir into a TIA equivalent.

Soon after Palantir’s incorporation, though the exact timing and details of the investment remain hidden from the public, the CIA’s In-Q-Tel became the company’s first backer, aside from Thiel himself, giving it an estimated $2 million. In-Q-Tel’s stake in Palantir would not be publicly reported until mid-2006. In addition, Alex Karp recently told the New York Times that “the real value of the In-Q-Tel investment was that it gave Palantir access to the CIA analysts who were its intended clients.” A key figure in the making of In-Q-Tel investments during this period, including Palantir, was the CIA’s chief information officer at the time, Alan Wade.

After the In-Q-Tel investment, the CIA held the unique position of being Palantir’s only client until 2008. During that period, Palantir’s two top engineers—Aki Jain and Stephen Cohen—traveled to CIA headquarters at Langley, Virginia every two weeks. Jain recalls making at least two hundred trips to CIA headquarters between 2005 and 2009. During those regular visits, CIA analysts “would test [Palantir’s software] out and offer feedback, and then Cohen and Jain would fly back to California to tweak it.” As with In-Q-Tel’s decision to invest in Palantir, the CIA’s chief information officer at the time, Alan Wade, played a key role in many of these meetings and subsequently in the “tweaking” of Palantir’s products. It should come as no surprise, then, that there is an overlap between Palantir’s products and the vision that Wade and Poindexter had held for the failed TIA program. The extensive overlap between the two is detailed in previous Unlimited Hangout investigations.

The benefits in repurposing the “public-private” TIA into a completely private entity after TIA was publicly dismantled are obvious. For instance, given that Palantir is a private company as opposed to a government program, the way its software is used by its government and corporate clients benefits from “plausible deniability” and frees Palantir and its software from constraints that would be present if it had remained a public project.

A 2020 New York Times profile on Palantir noted:

The data, which is stored in various cloud services or on clients’ premises, is controlled by the customer, and Palantir says it does not police the use of its products. Nor are the privacy controls foolproof; it is up to the customers to decide who gets to see what and how vigilant they wish to be.

The Social Media Panopticon

Not long after Thiel helped resurrect TIA as Palantir, another post-9/11 DARPA program was also seeking a private sector makeover. Developed by Douglas Gage, a close friend of Poindexter’s and a DARPA program manager, LifeLog sought to “build a database tracking a person’s entire existence” that included an individual’s relationships and communications (phone calls, mail, etc.), their media-consumption habits, their purchases, and much more in order to build a digital record of “everything an individual says, sees, or does.” LifeLog would then take this unstructured data and organize it into “discreet episodes” or snapshots while also “mapping out relationships, memories, events and experiences.”

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